Irish Rail recorded more than 2,500 incidents of anti-social activity, lewd behaviour, hate crime, and violations of Covid-19 restrictions last year.
A log of incidents provided by the railway operator detail a catalogue of cases, with 549 of the incidents categorised as “reportable” criminal and anti-social behaviour.
An analysis of data showed 66 cases of assault last year on rail services or in stations, with 11 assaults on contractors, 37 on customers, 10 on Irish Rail employees, and 8 on other members of the public.
Five instances of hate crime were also recorded, two of them on DART services, one in Limerick, one on a mainline service, and one other with an unspecified location according to the figures.
There were 105 instances of individuals flouting Covid-19 restrictions around the wearing of face masks or other public health measures.
Justice Minister Helen McEntee was told to provide more detail on €4,200 in corporate donations from Tayto Park boss Ray Coyle, most of which she had to refund.
Records from the Standards in Public Office Commission (SIPO) also reveal how SIPO at one stage mistakenly thought that the three donations had been received by Ms McEntee from three different people in her extended family.
In the original return made to SIPO, Minister McEntee did not identify the companies involved but was later told to do so “in the interests of transparency”.
A copy of the minister’s original donation statement said: “This lodgement consisted of three cheques to the value of €1,400 each, total €4,200. They were corporate donations.
“Whilst compiling the returns we discovered that these amounts were accepted in error. We have since returned three cheques to the value of €1,200 to the three companies. Further proof of this is available if required.”
The SIPO records also reveal a considerable amount of correspondence over other money received by Ms McEntee and the amount of detail provided on them.
The Justice Minister had also declared three lodgements – one of €7,000, a second of €5,000, and a third of €3,279 – from fundraisers linked to Fine Gael.
In June, SIPO queried whether the donations had come directly from the party saying that because Fine Gael had not been registered as a corporate donor in 2020, they might also have to paid back.
A spokesman for the minister said: “Minister McEntee’s office was clear at all times, including in writing, that the donations in question were corporate donations. It was never suggested by the Minister’s office that they originated from any private individuals.
“The error regarding the allowable donation limits for unregistered companies was identified by the Minister’s office itself during the process of compiling annual returns for SIPO. The money to be refunded was lodged without delay at that point.
“Following further examination of these donations by the Minister’s office, a further €400 was identified and returned by the Minister’s office to ensure compliance with the letter and the spirit of the rules.
“The Minister’s office were happy to provide SIPO with all the information required. The issue of repayment of other donations did not arise and the Minister’s donation statement was approved by SIPO.”
Public comments by the President of the High Court about a shortage of judges and postponement of trials caused serious disquiet in government departments and were described as “most unfortunate” and an “implicit criticism” of the government and Áras an Uachtaráin by senior officials.
Ms Justice Mary Irvine had said the High Court would start the 2021 legal year with seven judges short of what they had been promised only months earlier by the Department of Justice.
Internal records reveal how the Department of Justice was taken aback by the comments and asked why they had not been given a “heads up” on what was coming.
In an email, Oonagh Buckley – a deputy secretary at the Department of Justice – wrote to the CEO of the Courts Service Angela Denning about the comments.
“It would have been useful to have received a heads up about the below as we discussed yesterday,” she told Angela Denning in an email on 1 October.
“As you will appreciate, the implicit criticism of the Aras and the Government is very unfortunate.”
Ms Denning responded to say that she herself had been given no advance notice, meaning she had not been in position to give them any warning.
She wrote: “It is my understanding from the Chief Justice that no criticism of Government or of your department was intended.
“I will speak to the [incoming] Chief Justice at out first meeting after his appointment to see if we can put an arrangement in place so that you at least know that something like this is coming.”
Fáilte Ireland signed up to a multi-million RTÉ Weather sponsorship believing it was a “strong fit” despite inclement weather often proving a “barrier” to holidaying in Ireland.
According to an internal briefing, the deal was an opportunity to meet the challenges of the country’s notoriously changeable weather “head-on” and inspire Irish people to get away at home.
Fáilte Ireland had said one of their biggest challenges was convincing people to take short breaks within Ireland and that the weather sponsorship would keep this message “always on”.
An internal business case said: “We know our greatest barrier to driving penetration is that people don’t think of taking short breaks. It is not top of mind as something they could spend their free time doing.”
The tourism agency signed up to a three-year sponsorship deal with RTÉ late last year replacing long-time sponsors Avonmore.
The Information Commissioner has directed release of records held by the Department of Health about the supply of AstraZeneca vaccines to Ireland.
The early months of the vaccination rollout in the EU were dogged by delays and supply issues, which culminated in high-profile legal action against the company.
The Department of Health mishandled the request for records at both initial request and internal review, and it was a “deemed refusal” at both these stages.
The department claimed the records were exempt under Section 30 and Section 36 of the FOI Act without ever providing any detailed reasons for why this was so.
During the review process, AstraZeneca also objected to release of certain information contained in the records.
However, the Information Commissioner found that the information had been the subject of considerable public controversy, and that some of it was already in the public domain.
The case highlights a significant failing in FOI in Ireland where reviews are not concluded until over twelve months have passed.
It means that even in cases where requesters are fully successful, the information can almost be historic by the time it is released.
These records were of significant public interest when they were first sought early last year.
However, with the passage of time, that has inevitably declined and what requesters are often left with are pyrrhic victories.
The failures identified in the original handling of the request, and the incorrect decision made by the department, are not the subject of any sanction, or instruction to do better.
And there is nothing that will stop the public body involved continuing these long-standing poor practices well into the future.
The Department of Justice said that the international standing of Ireland and the Data Protection Commission were now so interdependent that a significant increase in staffing was required.
Department officials also told of how investment in garda air support was essential because police helicopters were so old and in deteriorating condition.
In a pre-budget submission, the department sought €840,000 in funding for border management to deal with growing queues at Dublin Airport due to public health checks.
They also advised how Forensic Science Ireland would need extra support as it moves to new headquarters and of “a significant negative effect” on the justice system if it couldn’t keep up its service levels during the move.
You can read the full pre-budget submission below:
The Department of the Taoiseach was quizzed about what controls were in place for the safekeeping of an €8,000 Rolex watch that was gifted to the Ceann Comhairle.
The Comptroller and Auditor General (C&AG) contacted the department after it emerged that the valuable item had been kept locked in a safe at Government Buildings for almost two years.
In an email, the C&AG asked if the Department of the Taoiseach had a list of all such high-value gifts, what controls were in place for them, and whether it was listed as the property of the Taoiseach or the Oireachtas.
The Rolex watch remains in storage at the department despite a request by Ceann Comhairle Seán Ó Fearghaíl that it be sold, and the proceeds given to Trócaire.
Mr Ó Fearghaíl had been presented the watch on an official trip to the UAE in late 2018 but ethics rules on valuable gifts meant he was not allowed to retain it.
Relations between Greyhound Racing Ireland and one of the country’s most prominent animal welfare charities soured over an investigation into two mistreated greyhounds.
Records released under FOI detail how the two dogs had been locked in padlocked “filthy kennels” for up to three years and were infested with fleas and ticks.
The dogs were said to be “covered in filth” from having nowhere to lie but in their own waste with one having bled from a severe flea infestation.
After they were rescued, the DSCPA posted an image to social media of one of the dogs Katie cowering on the floor after she had been taken into their care.
However, Greyhound Racing Ireland (GRI) called for the post to be removed as neither of the dogs had ever actually raced.
A social distance index (SDI) that would have measured people’s adherence to public health guidelines on a rolling fifteen-minute basis was one of the plans considered by government as part of plans to tackle Covid-19.
The so-called SDI index would have captured mobile phone data by counting phones in tiles of 25 metres every fifteen minutes to monitor adherence to social distancing, “crowd hotspots”, and travel.
It was one of a several ideas floated during discussions between the Department of the Taoiseach and consultancy EY in the autumn and winter of 2020, according to records released under FOI.
The proposal came with a warning that “clearly, care [was] required to balance with citizen rights” but that a successful “proof of value” trial of the technology had already taken place in London.
However, the plan was not followed through with the Department of the Taoiseach saying the records had been part of a “springboard for a frank discussion” on what was known as the 1 Government Centre Project (1GC) to deal with the pandemic.
The Department had originally refused to release most of the records but changed their position after the case was appealed to the Information Commissioner.
Exploratory work took place on the Social Distance Index in both Cork and Dublin, according to presentations that were released. However, there were “specific quality issues” with the data available for Dublin.
The records also discuss the setting up of a Covid-19 nerve centre called “Room 350” to monitor disease spread and compliance with restrictions.
Three daily briefings would be delivered there with deep dive reports once a week. An alert system was also discussed saying: “WhatsApp Updated in the event of agreed specific criteria being breached.
“Criteria focusing on case numbers accelerating or hospital approaching capacity.”
The records also cast new light on how Covid-19 was spreading in the run-up to Christmas 2020, when infections soared out of control leading to a wave of illness and death in early 2021.