Some time ago I sought the FOI requests of the Department of Finance for the period January 2007 to March 2010. This has been issued (in paper format and then scanned). I have published the logs in both PDF and Google Spreadsheets. The logs give an insight into what was being sought (mainly by journalists) over the entire period of the financial crisis. Any redactions are Section 28 (Personal information).
Digging into the Honohan report
Aside from the clear issues surrounding the dumping of information by the HSE last Friday (we are working on that in the meantime) the banking reports are also clearly an important issue. We will try to cover both of these issues over the coming days.
I am initially particularly interested in one small part of the Honohan report:
While there was eventually a broad consensus, including among CBFSAI officials, that the guarantee scheme for all institutions was the best approach, the idea of nationalising Anglo Irish Bank (implying an associated change in management) as an accompanying measure was also on the table. As a contingency (and highly confidential) precautionary measure, legislation to nationalise a troubled bank and/or building society had been in preparation for some time.
It was felt by some that nationalising Anglo Irish Bank – which was facing by far the most serious liquidity crisis – would reduce the reputational damage that it was causing to the Irish banking system. This bank‘s business model was also thought by many to be irrecoverably broken; although few participants were even beginning to think it might have actual solvency issues.
Among the arguments against an overnight nationalisation was the fear that it could present undue operational risks and that it might have a destabilising effect on markets. In the event, by the end of the week, the inflow of liquidity took the matter off the agenda.
10 Other options mooted included extensive use of Emergency Lending Assistance (ELA) from the Central Bank and/or the creation and use of a domestic fund drawing in addition on resources from the NTMA. The possibility of temporary support from the two largest banks was also envisaged. None of these options could be expected to do more than buy a few days – say until the following weekend.
11 This planning was first inspired by the experience of the UK Government in relation to the failure of Northern Rock one year earlier.
Northern Rock was nationalised in September 2007, a full year before the bank guarantee. So is the entire narrative about an emergency guarantee now defunct? As Finance Minister, how much did Brian Cowen know about Anglo before the bank guarantee, and indeed before the St Patrick’s day massacre, before the CFD deal with Sean Quinn. How much did Bertie Ahern know? How much did the Cabinet know? How much did the Department of Finance know? How many investigations were carried out into the loan book of Anglo over the period September 2007 to September 2008? Why, exactly, did Mr Cowen repeatedly refer to Lehman as the the core cause, when in fact his Department and the Central Bank were surveying problems for 12 months, and why did they solely concentrate on liquidity issues, and not include issues of solvency?
Further down the report, Honohan is critical of the night of the guarantee itself:
A detailed review of the ensuing discussions is hampered by the absence of an extensive written record of what transpired. Although the minutes of meetings of the CBFSAI Board and the Authority during the period contain references to various options, there is an absence of documentation setting forth the advantages and disadvantages of possible alternatives and their quantitative implications. While CBFSAI Board members expressed some broad views on possible approaches, no decisions were taken, as the solutions would need to be found at Governmental level. The key discussions took place via the very many informal contacts and meetings between senior officials of the DSG agencies, the NTMA, and consultants; what follows relies to a very large extent on the personal recollections of participants.
And:
There is no doubt that from mid 2007 onwards Ireland increasingly faced a potentially serious financial crisis. Although the deteriorating international environment was what finally set the flames alight elements had been building for some considerable time beforehand. The overly sanguine, even complacent, view presented in the 2007 FSR and the resulting ensuing conviction that whatever problems that might arise would only be one of a liquidity led to two missed opportunities; first, to convey a strong message to the banks that they needed to build up capital urgently to be able to handle contingencies, or even to require them to do so; and second, to undertake comprehensive preparatory work to analyse quantitatively policy options available in the event the unthinkable might transpire.
Summary: Regling-Watson report
My summary of the Regling-Watson report is below; 12 quotes in all.
The Honohan one will be done later.
Continue reading “Summary: Regling-Watson report”
The preliminary reports into Irish banking collapse
… or “scoping reports” as they’ve more recently been referred to.
The narrative An Taoiseach and Minister Lenihan are attempting to set appears to be: “this scoping exercise says it was solicitors, bankers and auditors” and “we must focus the inquiry on the areas found to be clearly to blame”. That helpfully excludes policy implementation, i.e. Government. And it doesn’t stand up when reading the actual documents.
A summary of the Regling-Watson report is now available here. The one for Governor Honohan’s report will be completed later.
Honohan:
Domestic policies did not act as a sufficient counterweight to the forces driving this unsustainable property bubble. Bank regulation and financial stability policy clearly failed to achieve their goals. Neither did fiscal policy constrain the boom. Indeed, the increased reliance on taxes that could only generate sufficient revenue in a boom, made public finances highly vulnerable to a downturn. Specific tax incentives also boosted rather than restrained the overheated construction sector. And, with surging labour demand, wage rates in both the public and private sectors moved well ahead of what could protect international competitiveness.
Banking reports "published"…
The banking reports are out. Well, they’re out if you’re a journalist in the Leinster House lobby or member of a Government party who’s prepared to read them without removing them from the House before 415pm. Oh and don’t report on them until then either, they’re embargoed.
These public documents – written and researched at the cost of the taxpayer – will not be available to the Opposition or to the… errr… public… until they’re published online at 415 or so.
Great start to a process of openness and transparency. Give them to the political hacks but not the parliament and only let the hacks read them under the supervision of Government. Superb. Are you happy with this situation Mr Gormley?
Once they’re published online we’ll highlight interesting paragraphs in a following post.
Preliminary Report Into Ireland’s Banking Crisis 31 May 2010
Watch out Mr Tubridy
… Michael Lowry is after your job. For the last few weeks the Tipp TD has been running a competition (constituents-only!) for Oxegen tickets. Of course, his only motivation for doing so is because he “understands and appreciates the importance of music festivals, particularly to young people”. Did I say ‘constituents-only’ already?
He has now put the prize draw on Youtube… see below.
The last five seconds are golden.
Someone smells a general election. Someone smells a tribunal report. Someone wants to come up smelling of roses.
Seanad salary and expenses 2005 to 2008
Following on from the publication of spreadsheets containing the salaries and expenses of TDs for the 2005, 2006, 2007 to 2008, we have now put together the same for the Seanad. For the period 2005 to 2008, the Oireachtas paid out €27,177,074.19 to Senators in salaries and expenses. Here are the top 20:
Paddy Burke € 642,281.37 (Leas Chathaoirleach 2002 to present)
Pat Moylan € 545,678.73 (Cathaoirleach 2007 to present)
Terry Leyden € 523,282.73 (Address listed as Leinster House, from Roscommon)
Geraldine Feeney € 504,558.08 (Sligo)
Camillus Glynn € 502,320.99 (Westmeath)
Maurice Cummins € 501,932.80 (Waterford)
Peter Callanan € 499,885.39 (Deceased, Cork)
Michael McCarthy € 498,351.77 (Cork)
Jim Walsh € 495,986.50 (Wexford)
Paul Bradford € 494,638.65 (Cork)
Francis O’Brien € 481,749.97 (Monaghan)
Rory Kiely € 478,552.18 (Cathaoirleach of the Seanad 2002 to 2007)
Labhras O Murchu € 478,009.16 (Tipperary)
Kieran Phelan € 474,963.74 (Deceased, Laois)
Diarmuid Wilson € 473,503.87 (Cavan)
Marc MacSharry € 472,206.44 (Sligo)
John Hanafin € 469,543.68 (Tipperary)
John Paul Phelan € 442,869.87 (Kilkenny)
Joe O’Toole € 433,713.64 (Dublin)
Ann Ormonde € 427,125.03 (Dublin)
The bottom 20 were:
Dan Boyle € 167,345.79
Pearse Doherty € 165,081.70
Larry Butler € 163,652.26
Mark Daly € 160,073.02
Frances Fitzgerald € 158,008.48
Alan Kelly € 157,395.10
Dominic Hannigan € 155,628.24
Lisa McDonald € 153,411.96
Ciaran Cannon € 143,535.51
Martin Brady € 142,440.28
Paul CoghIan € 136,794.64
Paschal Donohoe € 134,109.64
Eoghan Harris € 130,529.61
Maria Corrigan € 129,868.17
Deirdre De Burca € 125,795.49
Ivana Bacik € 125,338.78
Ronan Mullen € 125,278.90
Alex White € 125,107.31
Eugene Regan € 125,053.96
Fiona O Malley € 123,798.70
Full pivot table here: Senator totals 2005 to 2008
Again it is worth noting that the period 2005 to 2008 includes an election in 2007, so not all Senators would have been in their seats for the entire period. It is also again worth noting that the Cathlaoirleach and Leas Chathlaoirleach earn higher amounts due to their positions (allowances received due to position). And again we must emphasise: these amounts only cover salary and expenses, they do not cover costs incurred by Members, for such things as inter-parliamentary association travel.
Here are the total spreadsheets broken down by year:
Deaths in Garda custody
Another person died in Garda custody yesterday. These stories are consistently let slide.
Below is a list of known deaths in custody since 1997 compiled over a few hours. I don’t think it to be absolute, though I cannot find reports of others after quite some time searching. Most have source links though some were found using Lexis Nexis. I found reports about 36 deaths. There has been two or three deaths each year on average, yet already this year four people have died in the care of the Gardai.
Notably all those who died were males. A disproportionate number seem to have died in one of three Dublin stations, Kilmainham, Tallaght or Store Street. This perhaps could be attributed to the size of these districts.
List below the fold. Split per year.
It's too easy to blame just one organisation
There’s an strong comment piece by Frank Callanan in the latest edition of Village in which a number of points worth discussing and challenging are presented. Headlined ‘Fianna Fáil in government has changed us all’, the opening paragraphs neatly summarise the main thrust of the article. Strangely I agree with a lot of the reasoning he employs but not the conclusion drawn.
The opening two pars…
One of the least-considered characteristics of Irish politics is that which has most defined it: the ascendancy of Fianna Fáil. This asserted itself between 1932 and 1973, broken only twice, gave way to a pattern of alterence (rotation) over the quarter-century 1973-1997 and then seemed to re-establish itself in the general elections of 1997, 2002 and 2007. It was as if the electorate had acquired, and then lost, the knack of of turning Fianna Fáil out.
There is a remarkable derth of analysis of, and reflection on what might be called the macro-pyschological effects of the decades of three consecutive Fianna Fáil election victories on civic society including the media, opposition and civil service. These were considerable, even devastating.
I disagree with the Fianna Fáil focus. Yet it’s pretty tricky to compose a rebuttal the following which he uses to support the above…
My point is that there was and continues to be a striking lack of self-awareness, of reflexive consciousness, of the peculiar state of living Ireland over the Ahern decade and not being Fianna Fáil or Progressive Democrat. This also had a marked effect on the media which had to negotiate this strange psychological state. Some commentators, without necessarily having thought too much about it, came to regard Fianna Fáil ascendancy over opposition parties in brutalistically Darwinian terms.
The country had seemed to lose the most modest and most under-rated virtue of democracy, the habit of alterance [his emphasis]. The phenomenon was cumulative. Without changes of Government, the sense of the necessity of politics atrophied. The electorate was habituated to Fianna Fáil governance, and – somewhat unfairly, certainly by the 2007 election – the lack of governmental experience became a reproach against Fine Gael and Labour.
Certainly periodic changes of government are healthy for democracy, however, in our case I’d be more inclined to place the blame for the lack of alterence at multiple doors than solely at Fianna Fáil’s. Continue reading “It's too easy to blame just one organisation”
Digest – June 6 2010
Digest coming to you earlier than usual this week as I am less hungover than most Sundays.
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Gerard O’Neill; looting for democracy.
One of my favourite writers, Ta-Nehisi Coates of The Atlantic, has been blogging about the ‘no dogs, no blacks, no Irish’ stuff this week. He has collected some fascinating imagery. More here and here. Do av’a read, the comments are usually good too.
Liam Fay in The Sunday Times on Callely and the Seanad.
Not since Liam Lawlor was appointed chairman of a parliamentary ethics committee has a juxtaposition of words sounded quite so comical.
The notion that Callely has “duties” in the sense that he provides a service or function is absurd. As one of the taoiseach’s appointees, he’s a professional placeman, a chair warmer. Unelected and therefore unaccountable, he represents nobody but himself and has nothing to offer but his trademark self-importance.
Having been slung out of his Dail seat in 2007, Callely sought election to one of the rigged Seanad seats reserved for failed or aspiring politicians and for which only TDs, councillors and outgoing senators are permitted to vote. However, he couldn’t win sufficient support among his Fianna Fail colleagues.
Undeterred by the verdict of the electorate and his party, Callely probably went cap in hand to then taoiseach Bertie Ahern pleading that he had devoted his working life to Fianna Fail and had failed to receive an adequate yield on his investment. An understandably sympathetic Ahern anointed Callely as senator and the rest is geography.
Come Here to Me! with another lovely post on Dublin history that may have passed you by… or that you may pass by. This time on the man to whom a little plaque on O’Connell Street is dedicated.