Church-gates, donations and McDowell

Church-gate collections are a great way of getting small donations from large numbers of people. Parties, to my knowledge, run them nationwide once or twice a year. Individual branches also run the odd extra collection here or there for their own purposes, whenever in need of some petty cash.

The declaration threshold for a donation from one person to an individual politician is €126.97. However, it is not required of politicians or parties that they keep figures for the number of individuals who donate to a church-gate collection. A collection could therefore raise several thousand, or hundred thousand, or million, or billion, or… you get my drift, without any donations breaching the threshold (or the donation limits for that matter).

Someone could drop €500 into a bucket and their contribution would be diluted by the people who donate €1 and €2 coins. In this way all documentation, accounting and declarations could be by-passed. While I can’t say that does happen, I can say it can happen under the current system.

Declared donations to all parties are down. Still, it’s interesting to see reports today that Fianna Fáil, despite hideous polling numbers, are doing well at the Church gate. Perhaps the same is being experienced by all parties? Fine Gaelers, done any collections lately? Maybe Joe and Joan Public can’t afford to write cheques exceeding €126.97 and are choosing instead to contribute directly from their pocket. Are the Greens getting the same reaction? Green readers, any experiences?

Anyway, it’s good to know people still care about the political process remain prepared to contribute, if only at the Church gate. Isn’t it?

Also in today’s paper concerning political donations, Michael McDowell saying something or other and getting publicity (to which I will now add, in my own small way)…

At the conference on constitutional reform, which was organised by the UCD school of law, Mr McDowell said that calls by the media for every donation a party receives to be released into the public domain are an attempt by them to secure power.

“Do we want a society where every €100 or €200 contribution needs to be public? Most people don’t want their neighbours knowing they gave money to a party.

Does Mr McDowell not realise that most €200 contributions are already public?

In the US you are required to fill in a form before buying merchandise which goes towards supporting a political campaign. “Wanna buy a mug? Three dollaz and fill in the form.” That’s your $3 donation. Big deal? No.

And yes, there are small towns in America too where gossip spreads like wildfire. Not all of which are clearly red or blue, either.

We really need to get away from the idea that there is some sort of shame or scandal in donating to a political party. Like lobbying, if there was legislation to make it less opaque the public would realise that the activity in itself is not at all inherently corrupting or, by default, an attempt to seek detrimental influence. In fact, both can be extremely positive contributions to democracy.

Questions can be raised when the full picture is not apparent. So why not show the full picture?

Morgan Kelly is back

and it’s not pretty

IT IS no longer a question of whether Ireland will go bust, but when. Unlike Greece, our woes do not stem from government debt, but instead from the government’s open-ended guarantee to cover the losses of the banking system out of its citizens’ wallets.

Even under the most optimistic assumptions about government spending cuts and bank losses, by 2012 Ireland will have a worse ratio of debt to national income than the one that is sinking Greece.

On the face of it, Ireland’s debt position does not appear catastrophic. At the start of the year, Ireland’s government debt was two- thirds of GDP: only half the Greek level. (The State also has financial assets equal to a quarter of GDP, but so do most governments, so we will focus on the total debt.)

Because of the economic collapse here, the Government is adding to this debt quite quickly. However, in contrast to its inept handling of the banking crisis, the Government has taken reasonable steps to bring the deficit under control. If all goes to plan we should be looking at a debt of 85 to 90 per cent of GDP by the end of 2012.

This is quite large for a small economy, but it is manageable. Just about. What will sink us, unfortunately but inevitably, are the huge costs of the bank bailout.

Quite a lot in today’s paper from a TheStory point of view. I’ll be back in the morning with some observations, after some lovely, lovely sleep. That long week was long.

Wacky whackers

Bizarre; see the fourth box at the side of the main visual element on Fine Gael’s new ‘New Era’ website.

Looks like they paid decent money for the web design this time. So we can rest assured there won’t be serious questions raised about breach of copyright, or intellectual property theft, like there was when they launched their main site last year. Phew.

Simon Coveney is getting a big ol’ push isn’t he? Last observation, bottom left of the main page on the new website; “Fine Gael will create 105.000 new jobs”… 105! Times are a’changing people, crank up the carnival floats!

2009 donations (Exchequer and private) to parties

On Tuesday SIPOC released details of political donations declared by parties in 2009. Between them they disclosed €78,101.99, the lowest figure since the introduction of the disclosure requirement in 1997. On the same day figures for Exchequer funding for parties were also released. €13.6m of taxpayers money went towards supporting parties.

We now know, regards State funding

Five parties (Fianna Fáil, Fine Gael, Labour, Sinn Féin and the Green Party) received funding of €5,438,385 under the Electoral Acts and those five parties along with the Progressive Democrats received €8,164,879 under the Party Leaders Allowance legislation.  The attached table shows the amounts received by qualified political parties for 2009.

In contrast, regards private funding

Neither of the three main political parties disclosed any donations in 2009, even though this was an election year (European, local and Dáil bye-elections).

The money from the exchequer cannot be used for electoral purposes. It funds research and policy formulation, education, general administration and the co-ordination of party activities. The parties get a share of a pot ‘a gold depending on how many first preference votes they got at the last election. I’ve issues with how these funds are dispersed – it reinforces the status quo to some degree, the big three got 85% of funding this year – but that’s for another post.

Parties must provide SIPOC with an expenditure statement and auditor’s report for the Exchequer funding. These are available for inspection at the SIPOC offices on Lower Leeson Street, I hope to go down and have a goo in the next week or so. A summary is available here. Continue reading “2009 donations (Exchequer and private) to parties”

"The Very Bad Luck of the Irish"

Peter Boone and Simon Johnson rip into our Government’s economic policy.

[…] The remarkable success of this tax haven [Ireland] means that roughly 20 percent of Irish gross domestic product (G.D.P.) is actually “profit transfers” that raise little tax for Ireland and are owned by foreign companies. Since most of these profits are subject to the tax code, they are accounted for in Ireland where they are lightly taxed; they should not be counted as part of Ireland’s potential tax base. A more robust cross-country comparison would be to examine Ireland’s financial condition ignoring these transfers. This is easy to do: a nation’s gross national product excludes the profits of foreign residents. For most nations, gross national product and G.D.P. are near-identical, but in Ireland they are not. Continue reading “"The Very Bad Luck of the Irish"”

Oireachtas refusals

There has been a significant event in my ongoing quest to understand the full cost of the Oireachtas to the public. Another part of the request I mention below was refused, partly on the basis of Section 10 (1) (e), vexatious, frivolous or manifestly unreasonable (specifically the vexatious part), Section 27 (1) (a) and (b) Commercially Sensitive and even if Section 27 did not apply, the request would be considered voluminous in nature under Section 10 (1) (c).

I entirely disagree with this decision. My request sought:

A datadump of the entire Integra database insofar as such data relates to claimed expenses, from any Member or any member of staff.
A datadump of the entire Integra database insofar as such data relates to costs incurred by the Commission in the administration of Members’ activities.
A datadump of the entire Integra database since inception.

I have gone to great lengths over a period of some eight months to try and gain as full a picture as possible as to the expenses and costs incurred by Members of the Oireachtas. I have been entirely reasonable in my dealings with the Oireachtas. I have at all times acted in good faith, and sought to the maximum degree possible to facilitate the release of detailed information on how public money is spent by the Oireachtas.

I have spread out my requests over a number of months, and at greater expense per request, in order to assist the Oireachtas in the release of records. I have been refused two years of expense claims and had to appeal for internal review, costing another 75 euro, which while successful, does not lead to a refund under the Act. I have also sought to negotiate with the Oireachtas on the tabulation of costs incurred by Members (as distinct from just expenses claimed), and the calculation of the total cost per Member. My sincere efforts have proved fruitless, which has brought about a situation where my requests are considered vexatious.

I have at all times sought for the release of the records in question in digital form. In some cases this was agreed to, however not in the form which was requested. Since 2005, the Oireachtas has used a financial management system called Integra. Integra is built on Oracle software.

In order to demonstrate the nature of release, I will give one primary example.

Last year I sought all expense claims of members for the period 1997 to 2008. I was told this would be a voluminous request, but that I could vary it since 2005 to 2008 was held digitally. I sought this information in digital format, since logically, thinking perhaps naively that I would get spreadsheets. But instead of releasing spreadsheets, the Oireachtas released to me PDFs containing tables for each year. But the PDFs were not digital PDFs, they were scans of printouts of spreadsheets. But worse than that, given the degraded nature of the text, they actually appeared to be scans of photocopies of printouts of spreadsheets. There is a significant difference between emailing someone an XLS or CSV document and emailing them a PDF of scans of photocopies of printouts of spreadsheets. This requires much greater manual work on my part to convert degraded scanned images into functioning and correct spreadsheets.

2003 and 2004 (which became part of the 2005-2008 request) were released as scans but not in a table or spreadsheet format, as it predated the Integra system.

In the next request costing another 15 euro, 2002 and 2001 were refused on the grounds of a voluminous request, which I then appealed (readers should remember that between FOI submission, refusal, and appeal, it takes up to eight weeks). My appeal was successful, but no money is returned even where appeals are successful. 2002 and 2001 were released, but in paper format, not in tables (it predates tabulation too), and several inches thick.

In the next request, 2000 and 1999 were then sought, again costing 15 euro, and were also released, this time in digital format on PDFs, albeit degraded as might be expected for older documents.

Other factors are worth noting. 2005 to 2008 contains salary figures for members, but salary figures are not contained in 1999 to 2004 – these will be sought in another separate request. Also, in January it became clear that Members expenses do not fully cover the scope of the actual cost per Member. In many cases no expense claim will be involved, but the Oireachtas will directly pay for the activities of a Member (such as flights for Committee Travel). In order to arrive at a figure that accurately represents what a Member has incurred, we believe that expenses claims and costs incurred need to be combined, so a full picture can be drawn as to the totality of cost.

During communications with the Oireachtas however, a number of questions arose as to the accuracy of how our parliament was calculating this. In early January I was informed:

Costs incurred for foreign travel are paid directly by the Houses of the Oireachtas in some cases. Cost incurred and paid by the Member and refunded to the Member will be recorded as an expense paid to that Member. The costs paid by the Houses of the Oireachtas can include hotel bills, flights etc paid directly to the service providers for the entire delegation and are recorded on the system as a payment to that service provider. It is not always possible to allocate a cost per Member for foreign travel as members of delegations can attend for different durations etc. Records are maintained on each trip and payments are made through a number of systems eg Inter Parliamentary Union and British Irish Parliamentary Association from funding allocated for their programmes. It is a manual process to draw this information together when requested.

Fair enough, I said. This might involve me having to manually add costs incurred into expenses claimed, broken down by Member, but with a proviso that the Oireachtas itself had not tabulated in all cases the cost per Member. I then received a breakdown of costs incurred by Members for foreign travel, in PDFs. I wish to stress that all email exchanges were cordial and professional. I sought further clarification, using random examples from the information I had been given:

I just wanted to make sure my figures are correct, so if I may for example point to 2008 figures (open to correction!):

Expenses: Jim O’Keeffe

€2345.72 for Committee Travel (home and foreign)
€1147.81 for BIPA travel.
No expenses were claimed for IPA travel

Costs:

€2,125.78 was incurred in relation to Committee Travel
€154.58, €274.54, €556.77, €354.60, €625.01, €735.55, €68.06 and €263.79 (Just over €3k in total) was incurred for BIPA travel
No costs were incurred for IPA travel

If added, totals are:
€4471.50 for Committee
€4180.71 for BIPA

My question is do these figures overlap? When I add expense figures to cost figures do I get an accurate figure as to the cost to the taxpayer?

The reply:

I wish to clarify that the data you use of costs for foreign travel per Member where quantifiable includes the expenses paid to members and therefore you would be double counting the costs if you add both figures. Please note that the example you use for Jim O’ Keeffe does not include one of the figures included in the committee travel expenses paid to the member in respect of the journey to Lithuania of €1063.27.

Again, fair enough. But I needed to understand properly where any overlap occurred, was expenses including in costs, or vice versa. They reply stated, my emphasis:

Just to clarify as stated that the cost of foreign travel includes expenses claimed by the member for each particular trip. The costs per member are paid on behalf of the Member to enable them to attend the relevant meeting as a representative of the Oireachtas and would cover the costs of attending that meeting. Just to note that salary and specified position allowances is the remuneration of the members and subject to tax. Other allowances and expenses are for expenses incurred under the categories provided in their role as public representatives.

And again, I was trying to get to the bottom of understanding how the system worked, in order to accurately reflect the position. I therefore created a spreadsheet, where I could compare costs to expenses. I replied:

The difficulty I am having is in reconciling the costs figures and the expenses figures. If expenses are a part of overall costs then I would logically assume that cost figures must be greater than or equal to expenses figures – but this is not the case.

For example in 2008 (Committee Travel, Home & Foreign):

Cuffe Ciaran, Expenses claimed: € 1758.27 Costs incurred: € 652.39
Fahey Frank, Expenses claimed: € 8720.22 Costs incurred: € 1804.93
Costello Joe, Expenses claimed: € 4110.53 Costs incurred: € 3621.9
Breen Pat, Expenses claimed: € 13664.44 Costs incurred: € 1503.89

If expenses are included in costs, how can Ciaran Cuffe’s expenses be greater than his costs?

There are examples where cost figures are equal to expenses figures such as:

Fleming Sean, Expenses claimed € 247.12 Costs incurred € 247.12

Am I missing something? Perhaps I am missing “Home” Travel costs?

I have studied the explanatory document but it does not seem to account for these variances.

In fairness to the FOI officer in question, she did seek to answer my questions but was unable to take the issue any further. She did however pass me on to the Press Office, with whom I entered I dialogue in order to try and reach clarity on the overall picture, so that I could be as fair as possible to the Houses and to the Members, when publishing combined expenses and costs data. And I did wait, another two months, in the hope that some arrangement could be reached to correct any discrepancy, to reach an agreement on release or calculation of total costs and expenses. And again, in fairness, the Press Office acted in good faith, and two months later they told me:

the system of accounts operated here is a financial accounting system rather than a financial information retrieval system and thus doesn’t provide the information in a way in which is easily accessible. I understand fully your difficulties however there is little more that we can do to assist.

And I must again emphasise, the tone was always professional and I felt that the office was acting in very good faith, and at no stage was I treated in anything other than a friendly and professional manner. But it sill left me in a position where I had an inordinate amount of poor quality data, either on PDFs or on paper, where the sheer scale of scanning, OCRing, tabulating, correcting, calculating and combining hundreds of pages of data would take several months to complete.

All this, while knowing that for the period 2005 to 2009, all of this data is held on an Oracle database, that can export to spreadsheets in seconds. To that end, I sought a copy of the database, and since the database included not just the claims and costs of Members, but of the entire staff of the Oireachtas, I sought that also. The database would also contain the expenditure of the Oireachtas, in almost any capacity, which I also felt would help the public to understand and inspect how money is spent by the Oireachtas (in 2009 the Oireachtas cost about 125m to run, yet we have little idea as to the detail of this expenditure). I believe how the Oireachtas spends money should be open to public scrutiny.

If there is one body in the State that must be transparent, it is our houses of parliament. And instead of spending tens of thousands of euros of public money on High Definition videos of Members telling us why the Oireachtas is important, the Oireachtas might be better served by opening up its data to public scrutiny. It is, afterall, our data.

And in the strange world of FOI – due to my asking, in different ways, for what the Oireachtas considers to be the same information, I am now told that my request is vexatious. It is frankly mind boggling in its supposed logic.

I will be appealing this decision (another 75 euro), and will publish the appeal letter here. If that decision is refused, I will be appealing to the Information Commissioner (another 150 euro).

This will take at least another two months – pushing a year since I started this process.

Oireachtas FOI logs 2004 to 2010

As part of an ongoing process I am seeking the logs of FOI request to all public bodies. I sought and have received the logs of the Houses of the Oireachtas from 2004 to 2010. The spreadsheets includes some of my own requests. There are three sheets, which had to be split for column header reasons – 2004-2008, 2009, and 2010.

The confessions of Ahern and Cowen

Interesting development over the weekend with Bertie Ahern and Brian Cowen both – finally – accepting it wasn’t all the fault of those crafty Lehman Brothers. I meant to get round to a blog post on it earlier but have been snowed under.

It’s fairly little and way too late but… something. Something tiny but something.

Harry McGee has a strong post on the Taoiseach’s speech which I’d encourage you to read. Ahern’s mea cupla hasn’t got quite as much coverage. The Irish Times report by Stephen Collins and Mary Minihan puts it concisely…

Mr Ahern said he agreed with everything in the speech Taoiseach Brian Cowen delivered at Dublin City University on Thursday night.

“Even the self-criticisms in it I accept also, which was mainly the tax incentives,” Mr Ahern said, when asked about the issue at the launch of the Aviva stadium in Dublin.

“We probably should have closed those down a good bit earlier but there were always fierce pressures, there was endless pressures to keep them. There was endless pressures to extend them,” he said.

He said the pressure had come from developers, owners of sites, areas that didn’t have the developments, community councils, politicians and civic society.

The tax incentives he refers to, I’m guessing, are section 23s  on residential property and the tax reliefs on hotel developments which were kept open due to lobbying from developers. The hotel incentives were due to close in 2002 but were held open resulting in a flood of developments in late 2004, the consequence of which is the mess of a hotel and development market we have today.

Ahern’s statements are a pretty clear acceptance that Fianna Fáil donors had massive influence on Government policy during the boom years.

What’s perhaps more startling is Martin Mansergh’s admission on The Saturday View that the influence remains today. Mansergh was on with Fine Gael’s Charlie Flanagan and Mark Hennessey of The Irish Times.

He said… Continue reading “The confessions of Ahern and Cowen”

Department of Finance expenses 2001 to 2009

As part of a broader set of requests for expenses, and other, databases I sought the expenses database (CoreExpense) of the Department of Finance since its inception. The total amount of claims in that time period (the earliest date being 2001) was €3.48 million in 39,241 rows. Some fields of the database were removed due to Section 28 Personal Information exemptions, which on the face of it appear to be entirely reasonable.

Department of Finance expenses database 2001 to 2009

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I don’t have a staff count number for the DoF but the number of claims appears relatively small. Other costs may have been directly incurred by the Department, rather than claimed by staff.

I’ve also pivoted the totals:

Digest – May 17 2010

S’up…

HOME

Financial Times six-page feature on Ireland, ‘How bankers brought Ireland to its knees’. Progressive Economy has some further comment.

Is anyone else confused by the coverage this story is getting? O’Cuiv refuses to rule out cuts to the old age pension, why is this shocking? He deserves praise for having the bottle to be honest, in my opinion. The other option for him would have been to… well, lie.

The Sunday Times has a piece on the journalism jobs market and what young people will need to do to start a career. It’s UK-centred but the situation is similar here…

Today, you’ll need luck, flair, an alternative source of income, endless patience, an optimistic disposition, sharp elbows and a place to stay in London. But the essential quality for success now is surely tenacity. Look around the thinning newsrooms of the national titles. Look at the number of applicants for journalism courses, at the queue of graduates — qualified in everything except the only thing that matters, experience — who are desperate for unpaid work on newspapers and magazines. Look at the 1,200 people who applied in September for one reporter’s position on the new Sunday Times website. You’d shoot a horse with those odds.

It’s not really “experience” that matters, I’d argue, it’s what time spent in a newsroom teaches you. Having “interned for three weeks on the newsdesk in The Sunday Times” on your CV is pretty useless. However, many of the abilities you begin to hone during those few weeks are valuable. Learning to recognise a a story, what the best angle is to take on it, who will comment and how to put it together comes with practice. Students could get some practice covering national stories (not to mention make some contacts) if they started a news blog. Many – not all – of the skills learned during work experience are also developed while running a news site. So where are all the student-run news blogs? Are the lecturers not encouraging that type of thing? Am I the only one seeing a massive niche?

On that matter, are there any media lecturers working in Irish institutes who are blogging? Not to my knowledge.

Sidenote: ‘News cafes’ seem to be working well in the Czech Republic. I’d love to try something like that. Maybe rent a corner of Buswells… gerrup to a bitta mischief.

Moving on. Constanin Grudgiev; ‘EU on the Brink‘.

Adrian Russell of De Paper has loads of pictures of the new Aviva stadium up on De Blog.

The documents relating to the fruit-bat blow-job story. UCC’s lack of comment is allowing their reputation to be damaged in the international media.

Digital Rights Ireland on the flaws in the data protection directive. On that note, search engine for Facebook updates? See here. Google collects data on all non-passworded Wifi networks with their streetview car? Yep, but it was an honest mistake, they claim. Also, Eoin O’Dell has spotted a nice cartoon on privacy in the digital age.

Did Joe.ie and comedy troupe, ‘The Hardy Bucks’, get Munster beaten by Leinster?

What wrong, if any, did Flannery et al commit? Did Flannery somehow impugn the name of Munster by allowing comedy skits to be filmed in and around their training area? Why did Joe.ie decide to spike their own video? The whole story remains untold.

WORLD Continue reading “Digest – May 17 2010”