The paycuts that never happened

Ken Foxe has blogged some interesting correspondence concerning the proposed paycuts for senior civil servants. He has also published the original documents. Ken writes:

THE Department of Finance climbed down on major pay cuts for 650 senior civil servants and other highly-paid public workers, primarily because they feared a costly legal action.

Legal advice had been sought by the Association of Assistant Secretaries and Higher Grades, which found that performance-related
awards were in fact part of a “core remuneration package”.

The Minister for Finance Brian Lenihan eventually decided to scale back the pay cuts for senior civil servants to take into account these bonus payments, which had already been stripped from their salaries.

A series of documents released under the Freedom of Information Act detail the to-ing and fro-ing that went on between the Department and the civil servants, as early as last May.

A letter sent by Bryan Andrews of the Association of Assistant Secretaries and Higher Grades said: “Our membership is also strongly
of the view that for the purpose of any exercise being contemplated as part of a reform of public service pay, Performance Related Awards must be seen as part of our core remuneration package.

“Such a position is strongly borne out by the legal advice now available to the Association. As you will appreciate from the foregoing, the Association has considerable concerns about this review exercise.”

“Legal concerns” seem to be quite common these days. Rody Molloy told us much about it.

Bye bye, Sargent

So he’s resigned. Sure isn’t it all the rage these days up in Leinster House.

He’s gone from department. Rightly. Doing so speedily and with dignity appears to have kept damage to the coalition to a minimum. Thus, unless the Greens gather some more evidence to put foundations beneath their suspicions of the identity of The Leaker [maybe ‘The Leeker’, would better in this instance?], this ‘scandal’ looks set to peter out by mid-day tomorrow.

Kevin Doyle of the Herald “wouldn’t confirm either way” where the leak came from when asked if it was Fianna Fáil by Prime Time. You’d have to wonder. Sargent was done in by someone.

Really, the revealations do more to illustrate Sargent’s stupidity and naivety than expose some massive hidden trait of corruption.

I doubt more than half the TDs in the House can honestly claim not to have contacted a Garda to “enquire” about a constituent’s case at some time. Prehaps not so many done so in a tone similar to Sargent’s, but he is certainly not alone. Of course, I can’t back this up with more than what I’ve heard, in the main because An Garda can’t be FOI’d.

Usually the politicians are a little more “street-wise”. They call the relevent senior local officer instead of (deep breath) sending multiple letters by registered post on department-headed paper to low-ranking Gardas who are obviously going to bring it to their superiors to ensure their own backs are safe in case someone gets word of the correspondence in the future. It’s particularly bizarre when considering Sargent was most critical of Bobby Molloy back in the day for similar ‘transgressions’.

However, the above is in no way to be read that it’d be acceptable to for Sargent to have claimed “everybody does it, I was just caught, it’s no biggie”. I’m glad Sargent was caught. I’m glad he resigned. It was a corrupting act, an unlawful act. He has stained his reputation and will have to live with that. What’s really unfortunate is that we’re unlikely to catch the rest of them.

It’s worth noting that he’ll remain in his seat despite admiting commiting an unlawful act. I wonder if he’d have resigned had he’d been simply a TD, as opposed to minister of state. It does seem a position is something that can be lost, but a vote in the House? “Nah… keepin’ dah’.”

Still, I did raise an eyebrow when I heard some Opposition TDs moralising today. They’re not all at it, but he’s far from alone.

Enterprise Ireland – two more data sets

Following on from my earlier post on the raw data related to company totals and the raw combined spreadsheet, I am publishing two further data sets.

Last month I attended the ScraperWiki Hacks and Hackers event. During the day, and with the sterling efforts of two Python developers, a scraper was written. This scraper does something relatively simple (though was a little complex to write). It inputs each company into the EI website here and then outputs the Development Advisor (if any) for that company. It then puts that data into a .csv file. This data is raw and incomplete (many returned with no DA). If people want the code for the scraper do leave a comment.

Enterprise Ireland Development Advisors

The second scraper ran was Joe Drumgoole’s CRO scraper. A reader ran the scraper for us, and sent us the result. I am now publishing this also. I did run the result into a geocode batch analyser for Google Maps, and it was largely successful. But I am sure there are people reading this that can do cool mapping with this data and do so better than I can.

Enterprise Ireland company addresses

I again emphasise: we are publishing the raw data. Because the process was automated we cannot guarantee the results are 100% accurate. It does not purport to be a full representation, and if you want to use it you might have to spend a bit of time cleaning it up.

I can think of some nice research or visualisations that could result from it though.

The last few hours?

There is a slight nuance to the Trevor Sargent story on the front of today’s Evening Herald not immediately apparent to me at least – on first reading.

The constituent on whose behalf Sargent wrote to the Garda Siochana, it is claimed, was subject of a malicious prosecution, if the talk on News At One is to be interpreted correctly.  The question therefore is whether Sargent in his correspondence, was referring specifically to a case and attempting to influence it, or simply informing the Garda Siochana that a constituent was concerned about a matter.

If the former, can Sargent stay? I doubt it. The letters – if the politicians don’t – will tell all, but the Herald have not printed them in full [yet]. So we await.

In the meantime, the fact the Green Party statement has confirmed that Sargent communicated with a Garda is important. Furthermore, the quotes used in the Evening Herald article don’t shine Sargent in a good light.

All in all, right now, it’s not looking great for the deputy.

Unless he can pull out a surprising (and rock solid explanation) – and the malicious-complaint claim doesn’t cut it as the tecnicalities of the case are largely irrelevant – or this story has been hugely misreported, this looks like the end of his career.

The ball is in the Green Party’s court. Do they cut Sargent, arguably their most “ethically conscious” of all deputies, over this apparently extremely serious matter? Those insterested in seeing ethics upheld and political accountability imposed, would say they should.

Or do they try to make an excuse for Sargent and cling to power? Surely not?

Last week the Irish Times editorial finished with “[for the Green Party, the handling of the O’Dea ethics issue is] a hard lesson learned”. I doubted, [in Footnote IV] whether or not they’d learned any such lessons. I suppose we’ll see in the next few hours.

Might be worth keeping an eye on Dan Boyle’s Twitterstream.

Delay and Pray

“Delay and Pray”, also known as “Extend and Pretend”, probably best sums up exactly where Irish banks and indeed NAMA are right now.

No, I’m not joking. There are oft used phrases across the Atlantic – specifically in relation to the type of loans that have made our banking system insolvent – commercial real estate (CRE).

The US itself is facing a commercial real estate crisis, particularly over the next four years, as this excellent FT analysis outlined last week. $1.4 trillion worth of CRE loans will reach the end of their terms over the next four years. The problem is that nearly half of these loans are already in negative equity. As the FT says:

More shocking is that banks and their auditors are typically well aware of the problem, but have not written down the value of property as prices have fallen. Instead they are “extending and pretending” – or “delaying and praying”: holding property values steady and assisting the borrowers where possible. They need to. If banks were accurately to record property values, they would write down assets on their own balance sheets and jeopardise their business.

This actually sums up how the Irish banks, especially Anglo, have been dealing with our property developers. Rolling over interest, not writing down the loans, not crystalising the losses, doing repayment deals with developers – to drag it out – extending and pretending.

The US government has examined this situation throughout a Congressional Oversight Panel. Their report was issued two weeks ago. You can read it here. The panel concluded that it expects many banks to go under, and the pretence to come to an end, as the FT quotes:

“There is a commercial real estate crisis on the horizon, and there are no easy solutions to the risks commercial real estate may pose to the financial system and the public.”

Equally so for Ireland. Brian Lucey, writing in today’s Irish Times, makes a point along similar lines. He is worth quoting here at length:

Eighteen months into the crisis in the Irish banking sector, and astonishing as it may seem, no real effective repair action has yet taken place. Not a single impaired loan has been taken off the books of the banks. Instead, Government handling of the banking system has been marked by an unwillingness to face up to this fundamental problem – the banks are effectively bankrupted by the losses that they face on speculative lending.

The National Asset Management Agency (Nama), as structured, is designed to buy time for the market, somehow, to sort it out, as there is an ideological obsession at the heart of Government against the notion of the State as the majority shareholder in the banks, even if required and even if temporary. But events may force their hand.

Recall that Nama will in essence take off the banks the loans secured on now deflated bubble assets. The idea is that, in extremis, Nama can sell the assets for their “long-term economic” value and recoup some of its outlay. Nama is proposing to take over some €33 billion of land and development loans in Ireland alone.

Here it is in a nutshell: NAMA is one massive “Delay and Pray”.

Given that our banks are insolvent, that they are facing massive liquidity issues with the imminent closure of the ECB discount window, they cannot keep the pretence of extending and pretending up forever – and NAMA is, or was supposed to be, the answer to their prayers. You could also argue that Bank of Ireland recently changing its fiscal year was part of this tactic.

The Government would take the crappy loans from the banks (rather a lot), and through some financial voodoo, the losses would still not be crystalised, and rather ingeniously – the debt would not appear as sovereign debt for Ireland, or as debt for the banks, but would instead be dumped into this NAMA bad bank.

And NAMA has one sole purpose – keep the pretence going that someday, somehow, the value of the underlying assets will return to peak prices. Delay and pray. Do not write down the loans. Do not accept the reality of the losses. Do not pass go.

Not only is it unlikely that this will happen, it is almost impossible. Morgan Kelly wrote in December that it could take 50 years for the underlying assets to return to 2006 prices. Last week, in the High Court, we saw development lands being written down by 60% to 98% (in terms of valuation, not borrowing). These figures are the reality of the lands that NAMA is taking charge of. And we are overpaying already. How long do you think it will take rezoned agricultural land bought for €13m at peak, revalued at €600,000 in 2010, to return to €13m? The answer is: it won’t. So much land was rezoned that there is no necessity for rezoning for a further 70 years in many counties. Add to that the 300,000 vacant properties. Add to that little demand. Add to that zombie banks unable or unwilling to lend.

This is the reality of NAMA. Delay and pray.

And as if to add salt to the wound, Lucey further explains:

“…in many cases of development land the title was not actually transferred to the developer; rather, they took out a licence to develop. This was, it seems, a scheme to minimise tax, but it leaves open the incredible scenario that rather than being secured on an asset, these loans were secured on what is technically a derivative whose value has now collapsed to zero. If the underlying assets are worth zero, the hole in the banking system is that much larger.”

Lucey is referring sideways to the famous Section 110 of the 2007 Finance Act. This was a part of the Act that was never activated through a commencement order, which would have effectively closed the loophole that allowed developers to avoid paying stamp duty when buying landbanks. Brian Cowen, as Finance Minister, and Brian Lenihan after him, failed to commence the section due to concerns that it would further undermine the property market.

At the time, the Government commissioned AIB/Goodbody to write this report on the Section. It was published in November 2007, and is available here. The report concluded that if the Section were to be commenced:

It is recommended that Section 110 provisions should not be commenced at this time. To do so, would run the risk of exacerbating the down turn in the property
market.

Of course, the market was already beginning its freefall by this time, as the market had peaked some 11 months previous. The Goodbody report hedges its bets, in some places saying things could get bad, and in others saying they might not – as any good report does. But was is critical here is who owns the land.

A developer wishes to buy rezoned land from a farmer. Instead of paying money directly to the farmer (and incur stamp duty), the two instead enter a deal in order to avoid it. They enter a resting on contract or a type of lease. The developer essentially takes out a 100% mortgage to buy the right to build on the land, with no collateral to back the loan since he essentially does not own the land in question. Stamp duty is payable by the buyers of the houses that are to be built on the land, but the developer has avoided paying it.

As Lucey says it is essentially derived, and with little or nothing backing the loan, the losses are far steeper for the lender in a situation where few or no houses were built or sold. Those ghost estates are ‘worth’ far less than many might have assumed. Joan Burton pointed again to this last week. As late as April 2008, the Government was still considering commencing the section, but never did so.

It logically follows that where the banks lent money with no obvious collateral to back the loan, and where the supposed value of derivative is now zero, the bank sustains a massive capital loss.

However the banks are simply delaying and praying until NAMA takes over the loans, and then NAMA continues the praying.

We are in for one hell of a fiscal mess.

Digest – 21 Feb 2010

Blah blah, it’s the weekly round-up.

– HOME

Ireland After Nama with probably the most in-depth analysis of the Irish electoral landscape ever blogged. Ever. In the whole world.

Micheal Burke of Progressive Economy on Germany calling on Greece to tighten belts, with a nod to the disease that is tax dodging in Greece.

Aoife O’Donoghue of Human Rights in Ireland on passports and assassinations.

Hugh Green, a Green [Party member], on O’Dea and Fianna Fáil culture.

I used to think Fianna Fáil corruption was of secondary importance to the broader matters of class domination and corporate power in Irish society. But it is becoming fairly clear to me, somewhat belatedly, that its bare-faced corruption, with the corrosive disenchantment and apathy that it creates among vast swathes of the population, is in itself a devastatingly effective instrument for maintaining the rule of the gombeen bourgeoisie.

Today is the two year anniversary of the peak of the boom, notes Gerard O’Neill. It’s been downhill since then baaaaybbbbayyy.

– WORLD Continue reading “Digest – 21 Feb 2010”

Enterprise Ireland raw data

Further to previous posts, we are publishing further data on Enterprise Ireland grants, 2005 – 2008, inclusive.

First up is all four years combined into one spreadsheet.

Enterprise Ireland 2005 – 2008

This sheet still needs a bit of work though. Note some incorrect references to “Carlow Town” in Column B. I will rectify this shortly.

Next up is an analysis of which companies received the most money (h/t Robert again)

Company totals

In terms of total money received over the four years, the top 10 (under all categories) are:

GLANBIA INGREDIENTS (BALLYRAGGET) LTD
ATLANTIC BRIDGE VENTURES LIMITED PARTNERSHIP
DAIRYGOLD FOOD INGREDIENTS LTD
DELTA EQUITY FUND II LIMITED PARTNERSHIP
DUBLIN INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
CURAM SOFTWARE LTD
BANK OF IRELAND KERNEL CAPITAL PARTNERS PRIVATE EQUITY FUND
HOWARD WEBWORKS LTD
TRINITY VENTURE FUND 2B
GREEN ISLE FOODS LTD

From Green to red in less than 48 hours

The Bizarre Green Timeline pre-O’Dea’s Resignation: On Wednesday Minister Eamon Ryan was in in the Dáil saying… eh… well see for yourself.

[Thanks to Alexia for the clip.]

And it that, I suppose, that is the crucial issue. That when there was a mistake [noted] in that affidavit, when there was something [noted] that was not true, it was acknowledged in Court, dealt with in Court, and accepted by the other party.

As shown above, Minister Ryan, “speaking on behalf of the Green Party” defended Mr O’Dea in the Dáil. Minister John Gormley also stood behind Mr O’Dea. As did the rest of the party when they voted confidence in the then defence minister on Wednesday afternoon.

According to Minister Gormley around the same time he had been assured by Mr O’Dea that an article in the Limerick Leader the following morning would “vindicate” him. However, at this point various unchallenged reports (not to mention the court settlement) showing that Mr O’Dea had falsely claimed an electoral opponent ran a brothel (and then denied doing so in a sworn affidavit to court) were already in the public domain. What exactly could vindicate a minister in this situation is unclear.

Despite this, Minister Gormley said he was waiting for the next edition of the Leader before considering whether or not he had confidence in Mr O’Dea. He did so so0n after, or just before… erm… voting confidence in Mr O’Dea. Continue reading “From Green to red in less than 48 hours”

Willie O’Dea’s resignation letter

This is the letter of resignation of Willie O’Dea, along with Brian Cowen’s reply.



Willie O'Dea speaks to Limerick Leader about Sinn Fein Councillor

Willy O’Dea interviewed by Mike Dwane of the Limerick Leader/Chronicle makes a number of comments about Maurice Quinlivan of Sinn Féin, which he subsequently withdrew. O’Dea then swore an affidavit to court saying he made no such comments. He categorically and emphatically denied saying such things, then the audio below emerged and he changed his story.